Subject: In God We Trust
To: Separation of Church & State
In article <email@example.com>, firstname.lastname@example.org
>>Moreover, by the Joint Resolution of July
> our national motto was declared to be "In God
We Trust." 70 Stat. 732. <<<>
>1956, eh? There goes your
argument that it was the intention of the
>founders, unless you consider Joe McCarthy, Arthur Watkins and
>to be among the founders.
What a pathetic answer to all the evidence that has been posted.
Ed had to pass by this before he got to 1956:
The Act of March 3, 1865, 13 Stat. 517, 518,
authorized the phrase "In God We Trust" to be placed on
coins. And see 17 Stat. 427.
William Jackman, History of the American Nation, Chicago:
Hamming Publishing Company, 1913, vol.4, p.1172.
Congress passed a bill
instructing the Director of the Mint to place the motto "IN GOD
WE TRUST" upon all coins issued whose size would admit the words—an
appropriate motto for a Christian Nation.
Ed would prefer we didn't read all the evidence from the mouths of
the Founding Fathers as they continually asserted that America was a
God." Here's some more evidence:
George Bancroft, History of the United States, Vol.3,
Chapter 32: The Towns of Massachusetts Hold Correspondence, August
1772-January 1773, p.428-29
To send an American across
the Atlantic for trial for his life was an intolerable violation of
justice; Hutchinson urged what was worse, to abrogate the Rhode Island
charter. In this hour of greatest peril, the men of Rhode Island, by
the hands of Darius Sessions, their deputy governor, and Stephen
Hopkins, their chief justice, appealed to Samuel Adams for advice. And
he answered immediately that the occasion "should awaken the
American colonies, and again unite them in one band; that an attack
upon the liberties of one colony was an attack upon the liberties of
all, and that, therefore, in this instance all should be ready to
Employing this event to promote a general union, the Boston committee,
as the year went out, were, "by the people's thorough
understanding of their civil and religious rights and liberties, encouraged
to trust in God that a day was hastening when the efforts of the
colonists would be crowned with success, and the present generation
furnish an example of public virtue worthy the imitation of all
In a like spirit, the eventful year of 1773 was rung in by the men of
Marlborough. "Death," said they, unanimously, on the first
of January, "is more eligible than slavery. A free-born people
are not required by the religion of Jesus Christ to submit to tyranny,
but may make use of such power as God has given them to recover
and support their laws and liberties." And, advising all the
colonies to prepare for war, they "implored the Ruler above
the skies that he would make bare his arm in defence of his church
and people, and let Israel go."
And these are the colonists that Ed wants us to believe ratified a
Constitution which -- as Ed says -- "refutes" the idea that we
are a Christian nation "under
"As we are in a remote wilderness corner of the earth, we know
but little," said the farmers of Lenox; "but neither nature
nor the God of nature requires us to crouch, Issachar-like,
between the two burdens of poverty and slavery."
I wonder if Ed can tell us about the allusion to
I have no doubt, however, that Ed will tell us that our forefathers
never quoted the Bible.
"We prize our liberties so highly," thus spoke the men of
Leicester, with the districts of Spencer and Paxton, "that we
think it our duty to risk our lives and fortunes in defence
thereof." "For that spirit of virtue which induced your town
at so critical a day to take the lead in so good a cause," wrote
the town of Petersham, "our admiration is heightened, when we
consider your being exposed to the first efforts of power. The time
may come when you may be driven from your goodly heritage; if that
should be the case, we invite you to share with us in our small
supplies of the necessaries of life; and, should we still not be able
to withstand, we are determined to retire, and seek repose among the
inland aboriginal natives, with whom we doubt not but to find more
humanity and brotherly love than we have lately received from our
mother country." "We join with the town of Petersham,"
was the reply of Boston, "in preferring a life among the savages
to the most splendid condition of slavery; but heaven will bless
the united efforts of a brave people."
|It could be said that the motto of the Boston Tea Party was
"In God We Trust." Bancroft describes the plotting of
the Party in a famous Boston Church:
The first difficulty
to be overcome existed in Boston itself. Cushing, the speaker,
who had received a private letter from Dartmouth, and was lulled
into confiding in "the noble and generous sentiments"
of that minister, advised that for the time the people should
bear their grievances. "Our natural increase in wealth and
population," said he, "will in a course of years
settle this dispute in our favor; whereas, if we persist in
denying the right of parliament to legislate for us, they may
think us extravagant in our demands, and there will be great
danger of bringing on a rupture fatal to both countries."
He thought the redress of grievances would more surely come
"if these high points about the supreme authority of
parliament were to fall asleep." Against this feeble
advice, the Boston committee of correspondence aimed at the
union of the province, and "the confederacy of the whole
continent of America." They refused to waive the claim of
right, which could only divide the Americans in sentiment and
confuse their counsels. "What oppressions," they
asked, in their circular to all the other towns, "may we
not expect in another seven years, if through a weak credulity,
while the most arbitrary measures are still persisted in, we
should be prevailed upon to submit our rights, as the patriotic
Farmer expresses it, to the tender mercies of the ministry?
Watchfulness, unity, and harmony are necessary to the salvation
of ourselves and posterity from bondage. We have an animating
confidence in the Supreme Disposer of events, that he will never
suffer a sensible, brave, and virtuous people to be
George Bancroft, History of the United States,
Chapter 34: The Boston Tea-Party, August-December 1773
The authority of Parliament was questioned only because of
the rights and absolutes given by the Creator, in Whom the
On the morning of
Monday, the thirteenth, the committees of the five towns were at
Faneuil [Church] Hall, with that of Boston. Now that danger was
really at hand, the men of the little town of Malden offered
their blood and their treasure; for that which they once
esteemed the mother country had lost the tenderness of a parent,
and become their great oppressor. "We trust in God,"
wrote the men of Lexington, "that, should the state of our
affairs require it, we shall be ready to sacrifice our estates
and everything dear in life, yea, and life itself, in support of
the common cause." Whole towns in Worcester county were
"on tiptoe to come down." "Go on as you have
begun," wrote the committee of Leicester, on the
fourteenth; "and do not suffer any of the teas already come
or coming to be landed, or pay one farthing of duty. You may
depend on our aid and assistance when needed."
George Bancroft, History of the United States,
Chapter 34: The Boston Tea-Party,August-December 1773, p.454
"We trust in God," said the Founding Fathers as they
plotted the Boston Tea Party in a now-famous Church. But separationists
want us to believe these same men took America out from "under
God" and made it a secular nation. What pathetic desperation.
George Bancroft, History of the United States, Vol.4,
The Resolution and the Declaration of Independence, July 1-4, 1776
At the end of this great day the mind of John Adams heaved like the
ocean after a storm. "The greatest question," he wrote,
"was decided which ever was debated in America, and a greater,
perhaps, never was nor will be decided among men. When I look back to
1761, and run through the series of political events, the chain of
causes and effects, I am surprised at the suddenness as well as
greatness of this revolution. Britain has been filled with folly, and
America with wisdom. It is the will of heaven that the two countries
should be sundered forever; it may be the will of heaven that
America shall suffer calamities still more wasting and distresses yet
more dreadful. If this is to be the case, the furnace of affliction
produces refinement in states as well as individuals; but I submit all
my hopes and fears to an overruling Providence, in which,
unfashionable as the faith may be, I firmly believe.
"Unfashionable" in France, maybe, but
not in America.
"Had a declaration of independence been made seven months ago,
we might before this hour have formed alliances with foreign states;
we should have mastered Quebec, and been in possession of Canada; but,
on the other hand, the delay has many great advantages attending it.
The hopes of reconciliation which were fondly entertained by
multitudes of the honest and well-meaning, though weak and mistaken,
have been gradually and at last totally extinguished. Time has been
given for the whole people maturely to consider the great question of
independence, so that in every colony of the thirteen they have now
adopted it as their own act.
"But the day is passed. The second day of July 1776 will be the
most memorable epocha in the history of America; to be celebrated by
succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival, commemorated
as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty,
from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward
"You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I
am well aware of the toil and blood and treasure that it will cost us
to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these states;
yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory;
that the end is worth all the means; that posterity will triumph in
that day's transaction, even though we should rue it, which I trust
in God we shall not."
John Adams' trust in God was not
restrained by the Constitution.
In more recent history, even the favorite of all liberals, FDR, was
publicly afraid to deny the truth of America's Christian history:
Public Papers of the Presidents, F. D. Roosevelt, 1936,
Address before the Inter-American Conference for the Maintenance of
Peace, Buenos Aires, Argentina. December 1, 1936
In the constitution and in the practice of our Nations is the right of
freedom of religion. But this ideal, these words, presuppose a
belief and a trust in God.
Ditto Harry Truman:
Public Papers of the Presidents, Truman, 1949, p.541, Item
Radio Address as Part of the Program "Religion in American
October 30, 1949 [Broadcast from the White House at 11:25 p.m.]
The United States has been a deeply religious Nation from its earliest
beginnings. The need which the founders of our country felt--the need
to be free to worship God, each man in his own way--was one of the
strongest impulses that brought men from Europe to the New World. As
the pioneers carved a civilization from the forest, they set a pattern
which has lasted to our time. First, they built homes and then,
knowing the need for religion in their daily lives, they built
churches. When the United States was established, its coins bore
witness to the American faith in a benevolent deity. The motto then
was "In God We Trust." That is still our
motto and we, as a people, still place our firm trust in God.
How about JFK?
Public Papers of the Presidents, J. F. Kennedy, 1961,
p.76, Item 26,
Remarks at the Dedication Breakfast of International Christian
Leadership, Inc. February 9, 1961
No man who enters upon the office to which I have succeeded can fail
to recognize how every President of the United States has placed special
reliance upon his faith in God. Every President has taken comfort
and courage when told, as we are told today, that the Lord "will
be with thee. He will not fail thee nor forsake thee. Fear
not--neither be thou dismayed."
While they came from a wide variety of religious backgrounds and held
a wide variety of religious beliefs, each of our Presidents in his own
way has placed a special trust in God. Those who were strongest
intellectually were also strongest spiritually.
Ed will respond that Nixon didn't publicly put his trust in God:
Public Papers of the Presidents, Nixon, 1972, p.1068 -
p.1069, Item 388
Radio Address on Defense Policy. October 29, 1972
As long as I am your President, I shall keep America on that road. I
shall keep this country strong militarily, strong economically,
[p.1069] and strong in the moral values and the trust in God which
is our ultimate defense.
Nixon merely followed in
the footsteps of his pious predecessor:
Public Papers of the
Presidents, L. B. Johnson, 1965, p.1053, Item 557
Remarks Upon Signing Proclamation "National Day of Prayer,
October 7, 1965
By the President of the United States of America a Proclamation
Even as they deliberated the conception of this Nation, our
forefathers, mindful of the frailties of mortal men, turned for
guidance to Almighty God.
Their humble and sincere prayer, delivered in their belief that all
good things are the gift of God, established a reliance that remains
As did our founding fathers, our people continue to place their trust
Democrats have long placed their trust in God.
Free Democratic Platform of 1852
National Party Platforms, p.18
Having assembled in National Convention as the delegates of the Free
Democracy of the United States, united by a common resolve to maintain
right against wrongs, and freedom against slavery; confiding in the
intelligence, patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the
American people, putting our trust in God for the triumph of
our cause, and invoking his guidance in our endeavors to advance it,
we now submit to the candid judgment of all men the following
declaration of principles and measures:
All of these statements violate a central tenet of the
religion of Secular Humanism and its "separation of church and
state" dogma. In Allegheny
v. ACLU, the
squarely rejects any
notion that this Court will tolerate some government endorsement
of religion. Rather, [we] recognize any endorsement
of religion as "invalid," id., at 690, because it
"sends a message to nonadherents that they are outsiders, not
full members of the political community, and an accompanying message
to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of the political
community," id., at 688.
County v.Greater Pittsburgh ACLU, 492 U.S. 573, 595 (1989)
But all of these statements prove that this is a Christian nation, a
Part Two: For
more on the religious foundations of American Government.