The Unconstitutional and
Anti-Christian Decrees of
Judge Myron H. Thompson
and His War on "The Rule of Law"


Federal District Court Judge Myron Thompson ordered the removal of the Ten Commandments monument placed in the Alabama State Judicial Building by Roy Moore, Chief Justice of the Alabama Supreme Court. The Court's decision is utterly unconstitutional. Not a single person who signed the U.S. Constitution would agree with this court's decision. Not one. America's legal system was based squarely on the Ten Commandments. Review the history here. But not just Ten of God's Commandments, but all of "The Laws of Nature and of Nature's God."

"The Rule of Law" means government must be based on these eternal and divine principles, not simply the personalities of politicians. The federal government has declared war on divine principles, and now embodies pure autonomy ("self-law"). It is now a government of men, not of law. "The Rule of Law" does not mean "I was just following orders." That is anti-Christian and fascist. "The Rule of Law" means nothing if the Ten Commandments and "the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" are banned. It is the court, not Chief Justice Moore, who is at war with "The Rule of Law."

 The Declaration of Independence says

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. [W]henever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it,

The federal government has become more destructive of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness than the government against which the Founding Fathers rebelled. But more importantly, the federal government has declared war on the Creator and the most basic and self-evident truths. It isn't just the case that the government taxes us at a rate ten times that against which the  Founders took up arms. It is that the government emphatically denies that it is "Under God." The Court quoted Chief Justice Moore:

[A]fter he was elected Chief Justice, the Chief Justice appeared at a rally in Tennessee on December 2, 2001, in which he gave a speech stating, in part, that "God gave us our rights; government is to secure it. If it doesn't--if it denies God, it should be abolished."

The atheistic and autonomous federal government should be abolished.


Here are the original documents for the Ten Commandments case from the District Court website:

The Ten Commandments Monument Opinion:   PDF, Word, WordPerfect
          Appendices:    A B & D C

Final Judgment and Injunction:                      PDF, Word, WordPerfect
Stay Order:                                                  PDF, Word, WordPerfect

-- District Judge Myron H. Thompson

In order to understand the outrage in our comments on this opinion, it is at least necessary to be familiar with two relevant points in American law and history. First, the Ten Commandments is the foundation of American Law. All ten (not just the last five) of the Ten Commandments have formed the basis for statutes and court decisions. Review the legal history of the Ten Commandments here. Second, a hundred years ago the Supreme Court had no problem endorsing Christianity or admitting that America was a Christian nation. Read the opinion of the Court here.

Most Americans have been deceived by court opinions such as this one. And they have been brainwashed by government-run schools which have covered up the Christian history of America. Here are the essential facts that the now-atheistic legal system doesn't want you to know. Every single person who signed the Constitution believed that

Judge Thompson's opinion flies in the face of the Founding Fathers and the first 150 years of American history under the Constitution. It represents the arbitrary and tyrannical whim of a man unrestrained by the rule of law.

What follows is Judge Thompson's opinion with our comments in boxes on the right. Hyperlinks in the court's opinion are ours and provide internal jumps or links to more detail.


IN THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE UNITED STATES FOR THE
MIDDLE DISTRICT OF ALABAMA, NORTHERN DIVISION

STEPHEN R. GLASSROTH,

Plaintiff,

v.

ROY S. MOORE, Chief Justice
of the Alabama Supreme Court,
Defendant.

MELINDA MADDOX and
BEVERLY HOWARD,

Plaintiffs,

v.

ROY MOORE,
in his official capacity,

Defendant.

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CIVIL ACTION NO. 01-T-1268-N

 

 

 

 


CIVIL ACTION NO. 01-T-1269-N

OPINION

The 14th Amendment did not make the First Amendment applicable to the states. Proof here.

The First Amendment was never intended to prevent ANYONE from publicly displaying the Ten Commandments, neither federal nor state governments. Federal judges are too smart not to know this. They are engaging in a deliberate subversion of the Constitution.

In 1963, before the modern myth of "separation of church and state" had fully evolved, the Institute for Church-State Law of the Georgetown University Law Center published a study entitled Freedom from Federal Establishment: Formation and Early History of the First Amendment Religion Clauses (Antieau, Downey, and Roberts, eds.). Their examination of the laws and controversies of Colonial and Revolutionary America make plain that the First Amendment was designed to prohibit the following:

  1. A state church officially recognized and protected by the sovereign;
  2. A state church whose members alone were eligible to vote, to hold public office, and to practice a profession;
  3. A state church which compelled religious orthodoxy under penalty of fine and imprisonment;
  4. A state church willing to expel dissenters from the commonwealth;
  5. A state church financed by taxes upon all members of the community;
  6. A state church which alone could freely hold public worship and evangelize;
  7. A state church which alone could perform valid marriages, burials, etc.

Nearly all of these had been eliminated by all of the states before the Constitution was even drafted. Most of the changes came about after 1776: The Church of England had been the established religion in many states, and that was clearly no option after the Revolution. When the states were faced with the choice of establishing a new church in place of the Church of England, rather than choosing to establish the Presbyterian church, or the Methodist church, the states decided not to establish any denomination at all.

And every denomination of Christians . . . shall be equally  under the protection of the law: and no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law.
New Hampshire Constitution 1783, Art 1, sec. 6
[T]here shall be no establishment of any one religious sect . . . in preference to another
New Jersey Constitution, 1776, sec. 19
[T]here shall be no establishment of any one religious church or denomination in this State in preference to any other.
North Carolina Constitution, 1776, sec. 34

The "establishment clause" thus meant that in this Christian nation there would be no single national church.

The First Amendment did not make radical changes, it protected what had already been achieved by declaring independence from England and the Church of England.

Every single person who signed the Constitution believed that America was a Christian nation whose laws must conform to the Ten Commandments. Not a single Signer of the Constitution would agree with a federal judge who declares that the Ten Commandments are "unconstitutional."

The Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, made binding upon the States through the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, provides that government "shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion." The question presented to this court is whether the Chief Justice of the Alabama Supreme Court violated the Establishment Clause when he placed a slightly over two-and-a-half ton granite

 


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monument--engraved with the Ten Commandments and other references to God--in the Alabama State Judicial Building with the specific purpose and effect, as the court finds from the evidence, of acknowledging the Judeo-Christian God as the moral foundation of our laws. To answer this question, the court applies two Supreme Court precedents: Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602, 91 S. Ct. 2105 (1971), and Marsh v. Chambers, 463 U.S. 783, 103 S. Ct. 3330 (1983).

Based on the evidence presented during a week-long trial and for the reasons that follow, this court holds that the evidence is overwhelming and the law is clear that the Chief Justice violated the Establishment Clause. But, in announcing this holding today, the court believes it is important to clarify at the outset that the court does not hold that it is improper in all instances to display the Ten Commandments in government buildings; nor does the court hold that the Ten Commandments are not important, if not one of the most important, sources of American law. Rather the court's limited holding, as will be explained below in more detail, is that the Chief Justice's actions and intentions in this case crossed the Establishment Clause line between the permissible and the impermissible.

 


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I.

The plaintiffs in these two consolidated lawsuits are Stephen R. Glassroth, Melinda Maddox, and Beverly Howard. The defendant is Roy S. Moore, Chief Justice of the Alabama Supreme Court. The plaintiffs seek enforcement of the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution through 42 U.S.C.A. § 1983. The court's jurisdiction has been properly invoked pursuant to 28 U.S.C.A. §§ 1331 (federal question) and 1343(a)(3) (civil rights).

The events giving rise to this litigation go back several years. As a state court judge in Gadsden, Alabama, then-Judge Moore displayed a hand-carved plaque of the Ten Commandments in his courtroom. He also invited clergy to lead prayer in his courtroom before trials. These acts led to two highly publicized lawsuits involving the American Civil Liberties Union of Alabama. The first, brought in March 1995, was dismissed for lack of standing. See Alabama Freethought Ass'n v. Moore, 893 F. Supp. 1522 (N.D. Ala. 1995). The second, brought in April 1995 by the State of Alabama, sought a declaratory judgment that Judge Moore's display of the Ten Commandments was constitutional; that lawsuit was dismissed by the Alabama Supreme Court as nonjusticiable. See Alabama ex

 


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rel. James v. ACLU of Alabama, 711 So. 2d 952 (Ala. 1998). A large part of Judge Moore's funding for these lawsuits-- $170,000--came from Coral Ridge Ministries, an evangelical Christian media outreach organization with television and radio broadcasts that cover all major Alabama cities.
"The Ten Commandments Judge" was elected by a sizeable majority of the people of Alabama. The will of The People is here negated by a single federal judge, ignoring the "organic law" of America, making this a government of men, not of law.

On November 7, 2000, Judge Moore was elected Chief Justice of the Alabama Supreme Court. During his campaign for Chief Justice, Judge Moore capitalized on the name recognition that he had obtained during the 1995 lawsuits. Judge Moore's campaign referred to him as the "Ten Commandments Judge," and virtually everything put out by the campaign referenced the Ten Commandments. Shortly after his election, now-Chief Justice began designing a monument depicting, in his words, "the moral foundation of law" and reflecting "the sovereignty of God over the affairs of men." By God, the Chief Justice specifically meant the Judeo-Christian God of the Holy Bible and not the God of any other religion.

The court seems to imply that referring to "the Judeo-Christian God" or the God "of the Holy Bible" is unconstitutional, but mentioning some vague god that loosely resembles "the God of any other religion" would be OK. This is clearly an anti-Christian hostility. Not a single person who Signed the Constitution intended such a limitation. But the court is not consistent: mentioning "the God of any other religion" should also be unconstitutional, since that should still be "offensive" to atheists.

On August 1, 2001, Chief Justice Moore unveiled a 5,280-pound granite monument in the large colonnaded rotunda of the Alabama State Judicial Building, which houses the Alabama Supreme Court, the Court of Criminal Appeals, the Court of Civil Appeals, the state law library, and the Alabama

 


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Administrative Office of Courts. Coral Ridge Ministries filmed both the monument's installation, which occurred the night before, and its unveiling; it was the only media outlet to film either occasion. The Chief Justice installed the monument with neither the approval nor the knowledge of the Alabama Supreme Court's other eight justices. He made all final decisions with regard to the specific language appearing on the monument, as well as its size, shape, color, and location within the Judicial Building. No tax dollars were used in the monument's construction or installation. Chief Justice Moore has final authority over what decorations may be placed in the Judicial Building rotunda.
Judge Moore did nothing illegal. He had the legal authority to do what he did, the opinion of this one rogue federal judge to the contrary notwithstanding.

The monument is located directly across from the main entrance to the Judicial Building, in front of a large plate-glass window, with a courtyard and waterfall behind it. The monument and the area surrounding it are roped off. A person entering the Judicial Building through its main entrance, and looking across the large open area of the rotunda, will see the monument immediately. The Judicial Building's public stairwell, public elevator, and law library are all accessed through the rotunda. Anyone who uses the public bathrooms in the Judicial Building rotunda must walk by the monument. The

 


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Chief Justice chose to display the monument in this location so that visitors to the Alabama Supreme Court would see the monument. While not in its center, the monument is the centerpiece of the rotunda.

The monument is in the shape of a cube, approximately three feet wide by three feet deep by four feet tall. The top of the monument is carved as two tablets with rounded tops, the common depiction of the Ten Commandments; these tablets slope toward a person viewing the monument from the front. The tablets are engraved with the Ten Commandments as excerpted from the Book of Exodus in the King James Bible. Due to the slope of the monument's top and the religious appearance of the tablets, the tablets call to mind an open Bible resting on a podium. A picture of the front view of the monument is attached as Appendix A to this opinion.
The court's "Appendix A" is a ".tif" file that is approximately 24 megabytes long -- an incredibly large file. Another photo is here.

Engraved on the left tablet is: "I am the Lord thy God"; "Thou shalt have no other Gods before me"; "Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image"; "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain"; and "Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy." Engraved on the right tablet is: "Honour thy father and thy mother"; "Thou shalt not kill"; "Thou shalt not commit adultery"; "Thou shalt not steal"; "Thou shalt not bear

 


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George Washington, James Madison, George Mason, William Blackstone, the national motto, the national anthem, "so help me, God," and "one nation, under God" -- all declared "unconstitutional" by this rogue court. Unbelievable.

false witness"; and "Thou shalt not covet." In addition, the four sides of the monument are engraved with fourteen quotations from various secular sources; these sources are identified on the monument to the extent that each quotation is accompanied by the name of a document or an individual. On each side of the monument, one of the quotations is larger than the others and is set apart in relief. The smaller quotations on each side are intended to relate to that larger quotation. The north (front) side of the monument has a large quotation from the Declaration of Independence, "Laws of nature and of nature's God," and smaller quotations from George Mason, James Madison, and William Blackstone that speak of the relationship between nature's laws and God's laws. The large quotation on the west (right) side of the monument is the National Motto, "In God We Trust"; the smaller quotations on that side were excerpted from the Preamble to the Alabama Constitution and the fourth verse of the National Anthem. The south (back) side of the monument bears a large quotation from the Judiciary Act of 1789, "So help me God," and smaller quotations from George Washington and John Jay speaking of oaths and justice. The east (left) side of the monument has a large quotation from the Pledge of Allegiance 1954, "One nation under God, indivisible,

 


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with liberty and justice for all," and smaller quotations from the legislative history of the Pledge, James Wilson, and Thomas Jefferson suggesting that both liberty and morality are based on God's authority. The full quotations from all four sides of the monument are attached as Appendix B to this opinion.
Appendix B should definitely be read. How any court can declare that placing these words in public is "unconstitutional" is mind-boggling. This court is plainly at war with everything the Founding Fathers believed.

Additionally, at the request of the parties, the court visited the monument before beginning trial because all agreed that a personal on-site viewing of the monument was essential to capture fully not only the monument but its context as well. The court found the monument to be, indeed, much more than the sum of its notable quotations, large measurements, and prominent location. The court was captivated by not just the solemn ambience of the rotunda (as is often true with judicial buildings), but by something much more sublime; there was the sense of being in the presence of something not just valued and revered (such as an historical document) but also holy and sacred. Thus, it was not surprising to the court that, in describing at the process of designing the monument, the Chief Justice emphasized that the secular quotations were placed on the sides of the monument, rather than on its top, because these statements were the words of mere men and could not be placed on the same plane as the Word of God. Nor was it

 


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Nobody is saying that anyone should bow down and worship the Ten Commandments as carved into a piece of marble. But it was also not against the intentions of the Founding Fathers to permit prayer in a government building. During the Administrations of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, church services were held every Sunday in Congress. "The Gospel was also preached in the Supreme Court chambers." (Library of Congress)

surprising to the court that, as the evidence reflected, visitors and building employees consider the monument an appropriate, and even compelling, place for prayer. The court is impressed that the monument and its immediate surroundings are, in essence, a consecrated place, a religious sanctuary, within the walls of a courthouse.

At the monument's unveiling ceremony, Chief Justice Moore made a speech noting that the monument depicted the "moral foundation of law." But consistent with the impression the court had when it viewed the monument and consistent with his intent to design the monument to emphasize the preeminence of God's Word, the Chief Justice made clear the monument was ultimately a monument to the giver of this moral foundation, the Judeo-Christian God, and, in particular, to his sovereignty over all the affairs of men. He explained that the monument "serves to remind the Appellate Courts and judges of the Circuit and District Court of this State and members of the bar who appear before them, as well as the people of Alabama who visit the Alabama Judicial Building, of the truth stated in the Preamble to the Alabama Constitution that in order to establish justice we must invoke 'the favor and guidance of almighty God.'" The Chief Justice expressed his disagreement with those

 


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The Ten Commandments have been the basis for American Law since the continent was settled in the early 1600's. See historical examples here.

judges and other government officials who "purport that it is government--and not God--who gave us our rights." He said that these officials have "turned away from those absolute standards that serve as the moral foundation of law." In the Chief Justice's opinion, to restore this moral foundation of law, "we must first recognize the source from which all morality springs ... [by] recogniz[ing] the sovereignty of God." Finally, the Chief Justice said that he hoped that "this day marks the beginning of the restoration of the moral foundation of law to our people and a return to the knowledge of God in our land." Because of its importance to this litigation, a transcript of the Chief Justice's entire speech is attached as Appendix C to this opinion.

At the time of its installation, the monument was intended to be the only object decorating the Judicial Building rotunda. Almost two months later, though, the Chief Justice added two more displays to the rotunda. The first, added in late September, is a marble plaque with quotations from Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., speaking of just and unjust laws, and Frederick Douglass, speaking of the injustice of slavery, entitled "Moral Foundation of Law." The Chief Justice commissioned this plaque himself. The moral foundation of law

 


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plaque is forty-two inches by thirty-two inches and is located on a wall seventy-five feet away from the monument. The Chief Justice installed this plaque because the contributions of these men "have been significant and their reliance upon the laws of God to secure freedom and liberty should be recognized and would support the very purpose of the Ten Commandments monument." The full text of this plaque is attached as Appendix D to this opinion.

Added in early October, the second display is a brass plaque with the Bill of Rights to the United States Constitution. This plaque was discovered in a box in the Judicial Building shortly before it was put on another wall in the rotunda. It, too, is located on the wall, seventy-five feet from the monument; this plaque is thirty inches by thirty-six inches. The Chief Justice testified that this plaque was placed in the rotunda because it also comported with the "moral foundation of law" theme.

No sign indicates that the monument is connected with or related to these plaques. A person standing directly in front of the monument cannot see either plaque. Indeed, unlike the monument, the plaques are behind the rotunda colonnade. Visitors to the Judicial Building could easily miss or overlook

 


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the plaques. Indeed, in their written submissions to the court, the Chief Justice's attorneys described the plaques as "inconspicuous." At trial, and long after plaintiffs' attorneys had in their own submissions specifically noted this concession, the Chief Justice's attorneys said that they had misspoken and intended to describe the plaques as "conspicuous." Having seen the plaques, the court agrees with the Chief Justice's attorneys' first description of the plaques, intended or not.

Others have requested that the Chief Justice add additional items to the rotunda, requests that the Chief Justice has denied because the proposed items did not comport with the moral foundation of law theme. Alabama State Representative Alvin Holmes requested the inclusion of a monument containing Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech, a request that the Chief Justice denied. In denying this request, the Chief Justice stated, "The placement of a speech of any man alongside the revealed law of God would tend in consequence to diminish the very purpose of the Ten Commandments monument." Additionally, an atheist group's request to display a sculpture of an atheist symbol--an atom--

 


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was denied by the Chief Justice as inconsistent with the rotunda's theme.

II.

A.

Chief Justice Moore argues that these two lawsuits should be dismissed because the plaintiffs do not have standing to bring them. The Supreme Court has held that, at "an irreducible minimum," a person seeking to invoke a court's authority must have standing, that is, must be able to "'show that he personally has suffered some actual or threatened injury as a result of the putatively illegal conduct of the defendant,' and that the injury 'fairly can be traced to the challenged action' and 'is likely to be redressed by a favorable decision.'" Valley Forge Christian Coll. v. Ams. United for Separation of Church and State, 454 U.S. 464, 472, 102 S. Ct. 752, 758 (1982) (citations omitted). To have standing to challenge a display under the Establishment Clause, the plaintiffs must suffer personal injury "as a consequence of the alleged constitutional error, other than the psychological consequence presumably produced by observation of conduct with which one disagrees." id. at 485, 102 S. Ct.
In order to be qualified ("have standing") to sue, the plaintiff must have suffered some "personal injury," but psychological discomfort at seeing opinions you disagree with is not enough. Let's see if there is anything more than psychological discomfort on the part of these atheist plaintiffs.

 


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at 765 (emphasis in original). The personal injury may be noneconomic in nature. id. at 486, 102 S. Ct. at 766. An "effect on an individual's use and enjoyment of public land is a sufficient noneconomic injury to confer standing to challenge governmental actions." ACLU of Georgia v. Rabun County Chamber of Commerce, Inc., 698 F.2d 1098, 1105 (11th Cir. 1983).
This is purely psychological discomfort. Imagine an Aztec priest in a Christian nation who reads the penal code section on murder and discovers that sacrificing virgins to the sun-god is illegal. The Aztec finds this "offensive" and he says he "feels like" a second class citizen. Would the Aztec have "standing" to sue in a Christian nation? Suppose he was not only "offended," but testified, "I could just scream" -- and did, causing physical injury to his vocal cords. Would he then have standing to challenge the penal code as "an establishment of religion?" Not unless he found himself in a court with an Aztec judge. Fortunately for the atheists in this case, they found an atheistic judge who is not bound by "the rule of law" in a Christian nation. These atheists feel like they have to walk around a monument with the moral foundation of America's legal system and statements by America's Founding Fathers on the importance of the moral foundation our law. They can't stand it that they don't live in an atheistic nation. They can't even walk by the words. My heart bleeds. Read those words. These atheists want the government to remove those words from all public places. This is fascism.

All three plaintiffs are attorneys who regularly practice law in Alabama's courts. Each has testified that he or she has come into direct contact with the monument on multiple occasions, and each expects to do so in the future as a result of his or her professional obligations. Each finds the monument offensive, and each has said the monument makes him or her feel like an "outsider." Furthermore, two plaintiffs, Howard and Maddox, have changed their behavior as a result of the monument: each visits the rotunda less frequently and enjoys the rotunda less because of the monument's presence. The monument has, therefore, had a direct negative effect on each plaintiff's "use and enjoyment" of the rotunda. id. at 1105.

The Chief Justice responds that the plaintiffs, nevertheless, do not have standing to bring these cases on the ground that their testimony is not credible. Toward this, the

 


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Chief Justice has elicited statements by the plaintiffs showing that they were offended by the Chief Justice's actions before he placed the monument in the State Judicial Building rotunda. For example, plaintiff Glassroth testified in his deposition that he found the use of the Ten Commandments in the Chief Justice's campaign to be "a shameless political use of religion." Plaintiff Maddox, too, thinks that the Chief Justice is "using religion to further his political career"; she also says she was "embarrassed" by the Chief Justice long before he was elected Chief Justice, when, as a state trial judge, he displayed a Ten Commandments plaque in his courtroom. Maddox admitted she was willing to become a plaintiff in these cases before she saw the monument in person. Finally, plaintiff Howard says she is bothered by the Chief Justice's reliance on his religious views in making his decisions as Chief Justice.
Any judge who does not rely on true religion when making decisions is derelict in his duties. Any legislator who does not make laws based on true religion is a bad legislator. Plaintiff Howard is complaining because Judge Moore is making his decisions based on the true religion and not based on Plaintiff Howard's religion, the religion of Secular Humanism. All judges -- there are no exceptions -- make their decisions in reliance on their religious views.

While these facts show that the plaintiffs may have been predisposed to being offended by the monument, they do not go so far as to discredit their testimony that they are, in fact, offended by the monument. Instead, the Chief Justice simply has demonstrated that the plaintiffs have been previously offended by his actions. The Chief Justice suggests that,

 


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because of this previous offense, the plaintiffs cannot also have been injured by the monument. This argument is untenable. The plaintiffs' previous offense is consistent with, rather than contradictory to, their offense about the monument. If the court were to find otherwise, it would be mandating that plaintiffs must assert their claims at the first instance of their offense to a defendant’s actions or lose their opportunity to complain about later actions; conversely, such holding would also mean that government officials could act without regard to the constitutionality of their actions, so long as they first offended any potential plaintiffs at an earlier time.
The Plaintiffs are thick-skinned atheists who are not "offended," but are resentful, and are bringing this suit because they know that in the current judicial climate they can use federal courts to impose their will on the people of the state of Alabama, in total contradiction to the First Amendment and the spirit of the Founding Fathers.

The Chief Justice also takes issue with the plaintiffs' testimony that they feel like "outsiders"; he maintains that they are independent thinkers, or are actively involved in their communities, or are thick-skinned. He observes that plaintiff Glassroth serves as a member of the board of directors for the Federal Defenders of the Middle District of Alabama and on the Alabama Sentencing Commission; that plaintiff Maddox is referred to by others and even herself as "the tiny tiger"; and that plaintiff Howard identifies herself as a political independent. The fact that the plaintiffs are

 


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strong and accomplished individuals in general, however, is not inconsistent with the fact that they feel like, and are, outsiders within the walls of the Alabama State Judicial Building. If anything, this fact reflects that the plaintiffs are among the few, if not the only, attorneys who have the commendable courage to sue a judge or justice to seek personal redress under the First Amendment for the harm they have suffered and continue to suffer. Standing is not the sole province of the weak; if anything, as a matter of practice if not the law, it is that of the strong, for only they will rise to assert it.
The only "injury" suffered by the plaintiffs is that they are reminded that God has jurisdiction over them. Not a single person who signed the Constitution -- not one -- would agree that these plaintiffs had standing to bring a lawsuit to remove a monument honoring the Ten Commandments and America's founding principles. Their constitution created no such right.

The plaintiffs have all testified that they have been injured as a direct result of their contact with the monument, and the court finds their testimony credible in full. The plaintiffs have standing to pursue their Establishment Clause claim.1


1. Admittedly, in Alabama Freethought Ass’n v. Moore, 893 F. Supp. 1522 (N.D. Ala. 1995), mentioned earlier, the district court found that the plaintiffs lacked standing. In that case, the court found that the plaintiffs did not provide “allegation[s] nor evidence that plaintiffs [were] in imminent threat of being” subjected to the challenged display, id. at 1544, nor did the plaintiffs provide evidence that their regular course of business required their presence in Judge Moore’s courtroom. id. at 1528-29. Indeed, only one plaintiff
(continued...)

 


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B.

The "rule of law" is supposed to mean that we are "a government of laws, not of men," a government based on principles, not the whim of federal judges. The most essential principle upon which our nation is based is "the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God." Our nation's "organic law" says that "Religion and morality [are] necessary for good government and the happiness of mankind." Not a single person who signed the Constitution believed that laws had to have an exclusively "secular" purpose and could not advance religion. (Not one particular denomination, but generic Christianity, or "true religion" as they called it.) Federal judges have violated their oath of office and trampled on "the rule of law" by imposing the religion of secularism on a Christian nation. "The Lemon Test" was never envisioned by anyone who signed the constitution. It represents the whim of anti-Christian judges and is a violation of "the rule of law."

With the standing issue resolved, the court moves to the heart of its Establishment Clause inquiry. For a practice to survive an Establishment Clause challenge, it "must have a secular legislative purpose, ... its principal or primary effect must be one that neither advances nor inhibits religion, ... [and it] must not foster 'an excessive government entanglement with religion.'" Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602, 612-13, 91 S. Ct. 2105, 2111 (1971) (citations omitted). The plaintiffs contend that Chief Justice Moore's display of the monument fails this test, frequently called the Lemon test, in two ways: (1) his fundamental, if not sole, purpose in displaying the monument was non-secular; and (2) the monument's primary effect advances religion.


1. (...continued)
in that case was ever required to be in Judge Moore’s courtroom, and, then, only for a few moments. id. at 1527. The plaintiffs tried to assert standing on the fact that they were “subject to” the possibility of coming into contact with the challenged display, either as potential litigants or jurors in Judge Moore’s courtroom. id. at 1544. The case before this court is patently distinguishable, as each plaintiff testified that their professional duties did require and will continue to require their presence in the Alabama State Judicial Building. Therefore, the district court’s finding in Alabama Freethought Association, that the plaintiffs lacked standing, has no bearing on the issue of the plaintiffs’ standing in this case.

 


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1.

When the Founding Fathers wrote the fundamental charter of this nation, the Declaration of Independence, did they have a "secular purpose" in mentioning the "self-evident" truths about God's existence and His endowing us with unalienable rights? Did they have a "secular purpose" in obeying "the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God?" Did they have a "secular purpose" in "appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions"? Did the Founding Fathers have a "secular purpose" in creating a Christian nation "with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence?" If not, then according to Judge Thompson, the Declaration of Independence is "unconstitutional." But then, even the Constitution must be unconstitutional, according to this secular analysis, because before the ink on the Constitution was dry its Framers declared a national day of prayer and thanksgiving for the new constitution. Did they have a "secular purpose" in doing so? Did they believe that a "secular purpose" was necessary to do anything? Then could it be that the requirement of a "secular purpose" is not part of our law, but is the arbitrary imposition by atheistic judges who disregard "the rule of law?"

That Chief Justice Moore's purpose in displaying the monument was non-secular is self-evident. First, it is self-evident from his own words. At the monument's unveiling ceremony, the Chief Justice explained that the monument "serves to remind ... that in order to establish justice we must invoke 'the favor and guidance of almighty God.'" He made clear that, in order to restore this moral foundation of law, "we must first recognize the source from which all morality springs ... [by] recogniz[ing] the sovereignty of God." Thus, he made clear that, while the monument depicted the "moral foundation of law," it was ultimately a monument to the giver of this foundation, the Judeo-Christian God. He saw the placement of the monument in the Judicial Building rotunda as not only "the beginning of the restoration of the moral foundation of law to our people," but, more fundamentally, as "a return to the knowledge of God in our land."

In his trial testimony before this court, the Chief Justice gave more structure to his understanding of the relationship of God and the state, and the role the monument was intended to play in conveying that message. He explained that the Judeo-Christian God reigned over both the church and

 


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the state in this country, and that both owed allegiance to that God. In other words, the Chief Justice described essentially a vertical or standing triangle, with God at the top as the sovereign head, and with the state and the church, side-by-side, forming the base under God.
The same Congress that passed the First Amendment also drafted the blueprint for the constitutions of all the states that would subsequently be admitted to the union. That blueprint is called The Northwest Ordinance. It says that "religion and morality [are] necessary for good government and the happiness of mankind." How can you have a "secular purpose" in saying that religion is "necessary?"

The Chief Justice also explained at trial how his design and placement of the monument reflected this understanding of the relationship of God and the state. His design concerns were religious rather than secular in that the quotations were placed on the sides of the monument instead of on its top because, in keeping with his religious belief, these statements were the words of man and thus could not be placed on the same plane with the Word of God. Similarly, he rejected the addition, along side the Ten Commandments monument, of a monument containing Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech, not for secular reasons but because the speech was not "the revealed law of God."

The Ten Commandments monument, as the Chief Justice made clear both at the unveiling ceremony and at trial, is a granite reminder to Alabama judges and justices and all other state citizens of the ultimate sovereignty of the Judeo-Christian God over both the state and the church, and of how all men and

 
The court's message is clear: if you believe the Ten Commandments are not God's Law, but merely human suggestions, then you can have a Ten Commandments monument. But if you believe God wrote the Ten Commandments and still holds us accountable to them, then you are a religious fanatic, not a neutral fair and balanced atheist, and your monument is unconstitutional. This is a judge at war with God.


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women should, therefore, look to God as the ultimate source of the moral foundation of all the laws of this country; for, it was God, and not man or the state, that gave us the Ten Commandments.

Chief Justice Moore's non-secular purpose is also evident from the monument itself. To be sure, "The Ten Commandments are undeniably a sacred text in the Jewish and Christian faiths, and no legislative recitation of a supposed secular purpose can blind us to that fact." Stone v. Graham, 449 U.S. 39, 41, 101 S. Ct. 192, 194 (1980) (per curiam). But, as the evidence in this case more than adequately reflected, the Ten Commandments have a secular aspect as well. Experts on both sides testified that the Ten Commandments were a foundation of American law, that America's founders looked to and relied on the Ten Commandments as a source of absolute moral standards. The second tablet, of course, is entirely secular--from "Thou shalt not kill" to "Thou shalt not covet"--but the first tablet also has secular aspects. As the Chief Justice pointed out in his speech unveiling the monument, Samuel Adams gave a speech, the day before the signing of the Declaration of Independence, referring to the King as a false idol, alluding to the Commandment that "Thou shalt have no other Gods before me."

 


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This is truly silly. The Ten Commandments monument is unconstitutional based on artistic style? -- a "religious appearance?" This coming from a judge who is called "a minister of justice" and wears a black robe???

¶ While the secular aspect of the Ten Commandments can be emphasized, this monument, however, leaves no room for ambiguity about its religious appearance. Its sloping top and the religious air of the tablets unequivocally call to mind an open Bible resting on a podium. While the quotations on the monument's sides are non-Biblical, they still speak solely to non-secular matters, that is, to the importance of religion and the sovereignty of God in our society; these non-Biblical quotations are physically below and not on the same plane with the Biblical one. Further, there is the ineffable but still overwhelming sacred aura of the monument. As the court observed earlier, it was not surprising to learn that visitors and court employees found the monument to be an appropriate, and even compelling, place for prayer. The only way to miss the religious or non-secular appearance of the monument would be to walk through the Alabama State Judicial Building with one's eyes closed.

The monument in the Alabama State Judicial Building is, therefore, dramatically different from other Ten Commandments displays in other government buildings and on other government land across the country. It is different from such displays as: (1) Moses, among other historical lawgivers, holding two

 


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blank tablets on the East Portico of the United States Supreme Court Building; (2) a carving of two tablets with the numbers I through X on the entrance door to the United States Supreme Court's courtroom; (3) a pylon in front of the E. Barrett Prettyman Building in Washington D.C. with (among other things) two tablets engraved with Hebrew writing; (4) two blank tablets at the feet of the Spirit of Justice statue in the United States Justice Department Building; and (5) a mural in the Pennsylvania Supreme Court courtroom with Moses carving the Ten Commandments and a full version of the text of the Ten Commandments. In each of these displays, the Ten Commandments are situated in a secular context and the secular nature of the display is apparent and dominant.

In a mural on the United States Supreme Court building, the Ten Commandments are displayed as two blank tablets, held by Moses sitting amongst many other historical lawgivers. The Commandments displayed on the door to the Supreme Court's courtroom are so small as to be almost unnoticeable, are among many other decorations such as a lion's head and a head of wheat, and are simply two tablets containing the Roman numerals I through X. The Ten Commandments on the pylon in front of the E. Barrett Prettyman building are two small tablets, with part

 


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The court seems to be saying that the Ten Commandments can only be visible to the public if they are not very visible at all, or if they would not tend to impress upon the viewer that they ought to be taken seriously (i.e., as seriously as the Decalogue itself claims it ought to be taken). In other words, to be "constitutional," the Ten Commandments can only be portrayed in a way that is acceptable to the adherents of the religion of Secular Humanism.

of the Ten Commandments in Hebrew, as part of a larger display representing freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of speech. On a second side of the pylon are a similar series of carvings representing criminal law and the protections of due process, and on the third side are non-religious excerpts from the Declaration of Independence, the preamble to the Constitution, and the Fifth Amendment. Just as those held by Moses on the United States Supreme Court building, the tablets at the feet of the Spirit of Justice statue in the Department of Justice building, a building closed to the public since at least the late 1970's, are blank. Similarl [sic] to those on the door to the Supreme Court's courtroom, they are so dominated by their surroundings (in this case, the statue) as to draw little attention. Finally, the mural in the Pennsylvania Supreme Court courtroom is one of many similar murals in that room, including murals featuring William Blackstone and the Code of Justinian.

The Chief Justice's monument is even different from those Ten Commandments displays found by other courts to violate the Establishment Clause in that the non-secular purpose and appearance of the Chief Justice's monument is much more apparent. For example, in Indiana Civil Liberties Union v.

 


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O'Bannon, 259 F.3d 766, 768-69 (7th Cir. 2001), cert. denied, 534 U.S. 1162, 122 S. Ct. 1173 (2002), the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals addressed a monument with the Ten Commandments and Bill of Rights placed side-by-side, designed "to honor our history by reminding society of its core values and to honor our legal tradition since several of our secular laws are parallel to the Ten Commandments." id. at 771. Similarly, in Books v. City of Elkhart, 235 F.3d 292, 296 (7th Cir. 2000), cert. denied, 532 U.S. 1058, 121 S. Ct. 2209 (2001), the Seventh Circuit confronted a monument with a large version of the Ten Commandments, placed by the Fraternal Order of Eagles, seeking to provide troubled youths with a non-sectarian and non-coercive code of conduct. id. at 294. This case is not as difficult as those in which the evidence reflected that the Ten Commandments display at issue had an arguably secular, historical purpose, for the evidence here does not even begin to support that conclusion, nor does the evidence support the conclusion that the Ten Commandments were displayed as sort of a secular moral code. The Chief Justice's words unequivocally belie such purposes.
The Ten Commandments is clearly NOT a "secular moral code." It was written by God. It begins with the words "I AM the Lord thy God." The court is saying that government endorsement of the Ten Commandments must be accompanied with a denial of the fundamental truth of the Commandments, that there is only one God who must be obeyed. In other words, the court is imposing atheism.

This case, indeed, is unique in that, under not only the Lemon test, but also under the test proposed by some of Lemon's

 


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most vocal critics on the United States Supreme Court, the Chief Justice's placement of the Ten Commandments monument in the Alabama State Judicial Building would be unconstitutional. In County of Allegheny v. ACLU, Greater Pittsburgh Chapter, 492 U.S. 573, 109 S. Ct. 3086 (1989), Justice Kennedy, writing for himself and Justices Rehnquist and Scalia, two of Lemon's strongest critics, suggested that religious endorsement was not enough to establish an Establishment Clause violation, that there must be more, such as "proselytization" or "coercion." id. at 660, 109 S. Ct. at 3136-37 (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part). As he explained, "coercion need not be a direct tax in aid of religion or a test oath. Symbolic recognition of accommodation of religious faith may violate the Clause in an extreme case. I doubt not, for example, that the Clause forbids a city to permit the permanent erection of a large Latin cross on the roof of city hall. This is not because government speech about religion is per se suspect, as the majority would have it, but because such an obtrusive year-round religious display would place the government's weight behind an obvious effort to proselytize on behalf of a particular religion." id. at 661, 109 S. Ct. at 3137.
There is no "coercion" here. "Proselytization" is an ambiguous term. The official prayers offered by Presidents Washington, Adams, and Madison would be considered "proselytizing" by today's standards. Obviously the Founding Fathers did not agree with the court's standards. See our analysis of Santa Fe. v. Doe (2000).

 


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¶ Justice Kennedy's proselytization test is met here. Both in appearance and in stated purpose, the Chief Justice's Ten Commandments monument is an "extreme case"; it is nothing less than "an obtrusive year-round religious display" installed in the Alabama State Judicial Building in order to "place the government's weight behind an obvious effort to proselytize on behalf of a particular religion," the Chief Justice's religion. id.
But not just the Chief Justice's religion, but the religion of the Framers of the Constitution. And not just the Ten Commandments were moved to a storage closet, but also the very words of the Framers of the Constitution and other Founding Fathers.

2.

That the Ten Commandments monument's primary effect advances religion is also self-evident. To satisfy the second prong of the Lemon test, the challenged practice must have a "principal or primary effect ... that neither advances nor inhibits religion." Lemon, 403 U.S. at 612, 91 S. Ct. at 2111. In evaluating practices under this prong, the United States Supreme Court has "paid particularly close attention to whether the challenged governmental practice either has the purpose or effect of 'endorsing' religion." County of Allegheny v. ACLU, Greater Pittsburgh Chapter, 492 U.S. 573, 592, 109 S. Ct. 3086, 3100 (1989). When attempting to define "endorsement," the Court likened it to "conveying or attempting to convey a

 


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message that religion or a particular religious belief is favored or preferred," id. at 593, 109 S. Ct. at 3101 (citation omitted) (emphasis in original), or to "promot[ing] one religion or religious theory against another or even against the militant opposite." id. (citation omitted).
Not a single person who signed the Constitution believed that the government should not endorse or promote the true religion. All laws based on the Ten Commandments do this. James Madison, "the father of the Constitution," declared that legislation should be voted against if it was "adverse to the diffusion of the light of Christianity." The "Lemon Test" and "the endorsement test" are the invention of judicial atheists, not the rule of law.

This endorsement test is objective in nature. See, e.g., Lynch v. Donnelly, 465 U.S. 668, 693-94, 104 S. Ct. 1355, 1370 (1984) (O'Connor, J., concurring) ("[W]hether a government activity communicates endorsement of religion is not a question of simple historical fact. Although evidentiary submissions may help answer it, the question is ... in large part a legal question to be answered on the basis of judicial interpretation of social facts.") The court's inquiry in this case, therefore, turns on whether a reasonable observer would perceive the practice in question as endorsing religion. See Allegheny, 492 U.S. at 630, 109 S. Ct. at 3121 (O'Connor, J., concurring).
All this discussion about "the reasonable observer" is irrelevant. No matter what kind of person concludes that the Ten Commandments monument endorses religion, that conclusion is not relevant. It is not against the Constitution to "endorse" religion. Our nation's "organic law" endorses religion by saying religion is "necessary for good government and the happiness of mankind." The Declaration of Independence endorses religion by "appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions," and by "mutually pledg[ing] to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor. with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence." To say that the government cannot endorse religion is preposterous, and runs against the most fundamental presuppositions and legal charters of the nation.

The parties disagree as to what evidence should be considered by the court in applying the "reasonable observer" standard. The proper application of the endorsement test, and, specifically, what information a "reasonable observer" would possess, was addressed by Justices O'Connor, Stevens, and

 


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Scalia in Capitol Square Review & Advisory Board v. Pinette, 515 U.S. 753, 115 S. Ct. 2440 (1995). Justice Stevens would broadly extend the reasonable observer concept "to the universe of reasonable persons and ask whether some viewers of the religious display would be likely to perceive a government endorsement." id. at 800 n.5, 115 S. Ct. at 2466 n.5 (Stevens, J., dissenting). Justice O'Connor's reasonable observer, on the other hand, would be more informed, "similar to the 'reasonable person' in tort law," and "must be deemed aware of the history and context of the community and forum in which the religious display appears." id. at 779-80, 115 S. Ct. at 2455 (O'Connor, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment). Finally, Justice Scalia refused to adopt either version of the endorsement test, instead finding it "significant that [in Lamb's Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free School District, 508 U.S. 384, 113 S. Ct. 2141 (1993)] we referred only to what would be thought by 'the community'--not by outsiders or individual members of the community uninformed about the school's practice." 515 U.S. at 765, 115 S. Ct. at 2448 (Scalia, J.). Justice Scalia further noted that some uninformed community members "might leap to the erroneous

 


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conclusion of state endorsement. But ... erroneous conclusions do not count." Id. (emphasis in original).

Given Justice Scalia's understanding of Lamb's Chapel, it is evident that the Court generally has considered community perceptions of the challenged practice to be determinative, rather than the perceptions of "some members" or other general observers. Thus, it appears that Justice O'Connor's view of the reasonable observer, who "must be deemed aware of the history and context of the community and forum in which the religious display appears," id. at 780, 115 S. Ct. at 2455, most closely comports with prior Court precedent. As such, the court will consider whether the monument has the impermissible effect of endorsing religion with respect to a "reasonable observer" aware of the history and context of the community and forum in which the monument appears.

For purposes of this case, the import of that awareness is clear. A reasonable observer would know that the Chief Justice ran as the "Ten Commandments Judge" during his campaign for Chief Justice, that the Chief Justice placed the monument in the Judicial Building rotunda to fulfill his campaign promise "to restore the moral foundation of law," and that, as the Chief Justice repeatedly emphasized at the unveiling, the

 


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The phrase used by Chief Justice Moore ("invoking the favor and guidance of almighty God") comes from the Alabama state constitution, which Moore swore an oath to uphold. Is the Alabama State Constitution "unconstitutional? But Alabama's constitution was drawn up under an enabling act drafted by Congress which required the territory to comport with the Northwest Ordinance, which was approved by the same Congress that passed the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and required:

Religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged.

The Ten Commandments monument censored by this court is an exemplary way to "encourage" religion and morality. The requirement that government cannot promote religion is an arbitrary edict of atheists, not "the rule of law." This court is an enemy of "good government and the happiness of mankind."

monument "serves to remind ... that in order to establish justice we must invoke 'the favor and guidance of almighty God.'" That reasonable observer would also know that the Judicial Building rotunda is not a public forum, and that other groups may not place their own displays in the rotunda. On the other hand, the court does not impute to a reasonable observer any knowledge of the Chief Justice's relationship with Coral Ridge Ministries or the numerous speeches, television and radio appearances he has given over the past two years; though, given that the Chief Justice is a state official, that the monument is in a state building, and that the Chief Justice's relationship with Coral Ridge has been open and extensive, a reasonable argument could be advanced that these should be imputed as well. Even with this limited knowledge, however, the court concludes that a reasonable observer would view the monument's primary effect as an endorsement of religion.

As discussed above, the monument's primary feature is the Ten Commandments, an "undeniably ... sacred text," Stone v. Graham, 449 U.S. 39, 41, 101 S. Ct. 192, 194 (1980), carved as tablets into the top of the monument. See Indiana Civil Liberties Union v. O’Bannon, 259 F.3d 766, 772 (7th Cir. 2001) (recognizing additional religious signficance [sic] when the

 


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Commandments are presented as tablet-shaped blocks), cert. denied, 534 U.S. 1162, 122 S. Ct. 1173 (2002). The monument's sloping top and the religious air of tablets unequivocally call to mind an open Bible resting on a podium. While the quotations on the monument's sides are non-Biblical, the fact that they have been edited so as to emphasize the importance of religion and the sovereignty of God in our society fails to diminish, and even amplifies, the ineffable but still overwhelming holy aura of the monument. As the Chief Justice himself stated at the monument's unveiling ceremony, these quotations were not included to serve as "history, [or] historical documents. All history supports the acknowledgment of God. You'll find no documents surrounding the Ten Commandments because they stand alone as an acknowledgment of that God that's contained in our pledge, contained in our motto, and contained in our oath." No part of the monument itself, nor sign, nor other decoration in the rotunda, in any way emphasizes the potentially secular nature of the Commandments. See, e.g., Allegheny, 492 U.S. at 598, 109 S. Ct. at 3103 (explaining that the effect of a creche, which is capable of communicating a religious message, turns on its setting). Thus, a reasonable observer, viewing this monument

 


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installed by the "Ten Commandments Judge" as a whole, would focus on the Ten Commandments, would find nothing on the monument to de-emphasize its religious nature, and would feel as though the State of Alabama is advancing or endorsing, favoring or preferring, Christianity.
Not a single person who signed the Constitution intended to prohibit the State of Alabama from "focusing on the Ten Commandments," emphasizing religion and morality, "or endorsing, favoring or preferring, Christianity." The ratification of the Constitution was held up until the First Amendment guaranteed the State of Alabama the freedom to do exactly that. This judge is at war with every legal principle fought for by the Framers of the First Amendment. This judge is at war with "the rule of law."

The court also finds nothing in "the history of the monument's placement and maintenance as well as the physical characteristics of the monument and of the surrounding area," Books v. City of Elkhart, 235 F.3d 292, 294 (7th Cir. 2000), that would change the court's view that the monument endorses religion. See also Allegheny, 492 U.S. at 578-87, 109 S. Ct. 3093-99 (discussing the challenged monument, its placement, and the surrounding area). In this case, the Chief Justice installed the monument to fulfill a campaign promise to "restore the moral foundation of law." The monument stands alone in the rotunda, in front of a large picture window with a waterfall in the background, with no other objects to provide a different "focal point" of a viewer's attention. See id. at 598, 109 S. Ct. at 3103 (distinguishing the Court's opinion in Allegheny from its holding in Lynch because the Lynch display "composed a series of figures and objects, each group of which had its own focal point"). While the rotunda does contain two

 


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other plaques, these plaques are much smaller and are over seventy feet away with no sign to indicate that they are connected to or related to the monument in any way. Finally, the rotunda is not an open forum; no other group may install a different monument or plaque in the rotunda without the Chief Justice's permission. Taken together, this history and the physical characteristics of the monument and its surrounding area do nothing to mitigate the monument's effect of endorsing religion, of showing that Christianity is the "favored or preferred" religion of the state of Alabama.
Several provisions of the Alabama Constitution acknowledge the Law of God as the foundation of law in Alabama. The Constitution begins with these words: “We, the people of the State of Alabama, in order to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God, do ordain and establish the following Constitution and form of government for the State of Alabama:” Preamble. “[A]ll men are equally free and independent … they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.” Section 1. The oath of office concludes with “So help me God.” Article XVI, Sec. 279. The lines about "Almighty God" and the "Creator" are completely unnecessary from an atheistic viewpoint. Their only possible purpose is to endorse religion. They have the effect of making atheists "feel like" second-class citizens. The same could be said about similar lines in the Declaration of Independence. Why did it take over 170 years for federal judges to figure out that all the state constitutions and America's organic law (founding charters) are all "unconstitutional?"

The Ten Commandments monument, viewed alone or in the context of its history, placement, and location, has the primary effect of endorsing religion. As such, the monument violates the second prong of the Lemon test, and it therefore violates the Establishment Clause.2


2. While not argued by the plaintiffs, the court is concerned that Chief Justice Moore's involvement with Coral Ridge Ministries, a Christian media outlet, violates the third, entanglement prong of the Lemon test. Aside from its being the only media outlet to record the night-time placement of the monument in the Alabama State Judicial Building, Coral Ridge has used the Chief Justice's name and his installation of the Ten Commandments monument to raise funds for not only his defense but also its own evangelical purposes. For example, Coral Ridge uses a picture of the monument to raise money for the Chief Justice's legal defense and, at the same time, to
(continued...)

 


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2. (...continued)
raise money for its own work. A fund-raising letter from Coral Ridge President Dr. James Kennedy included a donor-response form which read, in part, "I want to help provide for Justice Moore's and the Ten Commandments' legal defense. Also, use my gift to continue sharing the life-transforming Gospel, through new editions of The Coral Ridge Hour and all the ongoing work of Coral Ridge Ministries." In another fund-raising letter, Kennedy wrote, "Please pray and send your most generous possible gift to help us aid in the judge's defense and continue all of the outreaches of the ministry together." Coral Ridge has also used the Chief Justice and the monument as a subject of many of its television and radio programs and has, a number of times, highlighted the Chief Justice's lawsuit in its newsletter "Impact." Coral Ridge even uses the Chief Justice to raise funds on its website: "If you would like to help with the $200,000 Ten Commandments Defense fund and also enable Dr. Kennedy to continue the work of this ministry, send your gift." Additionally, while the Chief Justice is a state official, sued for his placement of a monument in a state building, the State of Alabama is not paying Chief Justice Moore's legal expenses; these expenses are instead being paid by a private source, Coral Ridge.

In a real sense, therefore, the installation of the monument can be viewed as a joint venture between the Chief Justice and Coral Ridge, as both parties have a direct interest in its continued presence in the rotunda. A credible argument could be made that this type of entanglement is specifically the type of "evil[] against which [the] Clause protects ... 'sponsorship, financial support, and active involvement of the sovereign in religious activity.'" Committee for Pub. Educ. & Religious Liberty v. Nyquist, 413 U.S. 756, 772, 93 S. Ct. 2955, 2965 (1973) (quoting Walz v. Tax Comm'n, 397 U.S. 664, 668, 90 S. Ct. 1409, 1411 (1970)).

Admittedly, the Chief Justice denies an active relationship between himself and Coral Ridge. He contends that he has not been involved in the ministry's efforts, through the use of his name and the publicity surrounding the monument, to
(continued...)

 


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C.

Chief Justice Moore contends that the plaintiffs err in their application of the Lemon test.

1.

The Chief Justice contends that the United States Supreme Court's historical analysis in Marsh v. Chambers, 463 U.S. 783, 103 S. Ct. 3330 (1983), rather than its test from Lemon, should be applied to determine the outcome of this case. In Marsh, the Court concentrated on the very specific nature of the facts in that case to conclude that the Nebraska legislature's practice of opening each session with a non-sectarian prayer


2. (...continued)
raise funds for his legal defense in conjunction with efforts to raise funds for its religious projects. But the law recognizes that one cannot escape responsibility for the acts of others, taken on one's behalf, through deliberate ignorance. Jim Walter Res., Inc. v. Allen, 995 F.2d 1027, 1029 (11th Cir. 1993) (holding that deliberate ignorance to the kind of work employee performed would not excuse management from liability for injury employee incurred on the job); Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyards, Inc., 760 F. Supp. 1486, 1530 (M.D. Fla. 1991) (finding that employer could not escape liability for hostile work environment by "elect[ing] to bury its head in the sand rather than learn more about the conditions to which female employees ... were subjected"). In a very real way, then, it could be argued that Coral Ridge's religious activity is being sponsored and financially supported by the Chief Justice's installation of the monument as a government official.

 


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did not violate the Establishment Clause. See Marsh, 463 U.S. at 786, 103 S. Ct. at 3333. Specifically, the Court focused on the fact that

"[t]he opening of sessions of legislative and other deliberative public bodies with prayer is deeply embedded in the history and tradition of this country. From colonial times through the founding of the Republic and ever since, the practice of legislative prayer has coexisted with the principles of disestablishment and religious freedom."
id. The Court also noted that the Continental Congress itself adopted the procedure of opening its sessions with a prayer, id. at 787, 103 S. Ct. at 3333-34, and found that "Clearly the men who wrote the First Amendment Religion Clauses did not view paid legislative chaplains and opening prayers as a violation of that Amendment, for the practice of opening sessions with prayer has continued without interruption ever since that early session of Congress." id. at 788, 103 S. Ct. at 3334. This "unique history" of legislative prayer was of central importance to the Court in making its decision. id. at 791, 103 S. Ct. at 3335.

A comparison of Lemon and Marsh, however, reveals that this court need not choose between two competing and mutually-exclusive tests. Thus, the court cannot accept the Chief

 


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Justice's argument that the historical analysis from Marsh has replaced the Lemon test in the Supreme Court's Establishment Clause jurisprudence. First, while the Lemon test has been criticized by a number of Supreme Court Justices, Lemon has not been overruled, see Lamb's Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free Sch. Dist., 508 U.S. 384, 395 n.7, 113 S. Ct. 2141, 2148 n.7 (1993) (noting that Lemon, despite heavy criticism, is still good law), and a clarified (endorsement) version of the Lemon test is still regularly applied by the Court. See, e.g., Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, ___ U.S. ___, ___, 122 S. Ct. 2460, 2476 (2002) (O’Connor, J., concurring) ("A central tool in our analysis of cases in this area has been the Lemon test. ... The test today is basically the same as that set forth ... over 40 years ago."); Santa Fe Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Doe, 530 U.S. 290, 314, 120 S. Ct. 2266, 2282 (2000) ("Lemon ... 'guides the general nature of our inquiry in this area.'") (citation omitted). The Eleventh Circuit, too, has continued to apply the Lemon test despite this criticism. Bown v. Gwinnett County Sch. Dist., 112 F.3d 1464, 1468 (11th Cir. 1997).

Second, Marsh can be viewed as "an exception to the Lemon test only for such historical practice[s]" as those comparable to legislative prayer. Jager v. Douglas County Sch. Dist., 862

 


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F.2d 824, 829 n.9 (11th Cir. 1989), cert. denied, 490 U.S. 1090, 109 S. Ct. 2431 (1989); see also Marsh, 463 U.S. at 796, 103 S. Ct. at 3338 (Brennan, J., dissenting) (calling Marsh a limited exception to Lemon); but see Allegheny, 492 U.S. at 669-70, 109 S. Ct. at 3142 (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) (rejecting this view of Marsh). In other words, a practice that fails any one prong of the Lemon test may still be found constitutional under the Marsh exception to the Lemon test. The court therefore need not, as the Chief Justice would have it, choose which of the two cases to apply. Rather, having already found the Chief Justice's installation of the monument to fail the first two prongs of the Lemon test, the court now turns to the question of whether the monument nevertheless can be found constitutional under Marsh.

As discussed above, the United States Supreme Court in Marsh, rather than applying the Lemon test, concentrated on the very specific nature of the facts in that case to conclude that the Nebraska legislature's practice of opening each session with a non-sectarian prayer did not violate the Establishment Clause. Marsh, 463 U.S. at 786, 103 S. Ct. at 3333; see also County of Allegheny v. ACLU, Greater Pittsburgh Chapter, 492 U.S. 573, 603, 109 S. Ct. 3086, 3106 (1989) ("Marsh plainly

 


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The Allegheny decision is outrageous. It held that a privately-funded nativity scene cannot be placed on government property during the Christmas season, because that would be an "endorsement" of religion. An "18-foot Chanukah menorah or candelabrum" was allowed to stay. The court admitted its bias: "The history of this Nation, it is perhaps sad to say, contains numerous examples of official acts that endorsed Christianity specifically." [492 U.S. 573, 604]

does not stand for the sweeping proposition ... that all accepted practices 200 years old and their equivalents are constitutional today."); Edwards v. Aguillard, 482 U.S. 578, 583 n.4, 107 S. Ct. 2573, 2577 n.4 (1987) (noting that Lemon had been applied in all cases, save Marsh, since its adoption); Wallace v. Jaffree, 472 U.S. 38, 63 n.4, 105 S. Ct. 2479, 2493 n.4 (1985) (Powell, J., concurring) (stating that the Marsh holding was "based upon the historical acceptance of the practice that had become 'part of the fabric of our society.'") (citation omitted). The Chief Justice argues that the case at hand has similarly unique facts and should therefore be found constitutional under this exception to the Lemon test.

The Chief Justice contends that, under Marsh, the monument is constitutional because, as he has written in his briefs to the court, "judges throughout our nation's history have acknowledged the moral foundation of law and, indeed, have depended upon it in reaching their decisions." He points to an uninterrupted history, from as early as 1819 to today, in which courts "interacted with, relied upon, or otherwise discussed the moral foundation of the law [in their decisions]." As such, the Chief Justice contends, his reference to "God and to God's law on the monument do not

 


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render it unconstitutional." The Chief Justice also argues that the acknowledgment of God made by this monument is no different from the acknowledgments of God appearing on United States currency, in the United States motto, and at the opening of court sessions. Basically, the Chief Justice argues that the monument's acknowledgment of God, like the legislative prayer upheld in Marsh, is part of our nation's history.

Additionally, the Chief Justice has presented evidence of numerous displays of the Ten Commandments in judicial buildings and other government buildings in Washington, D.C. The Chief Justice argues that the existence of these Ten Commandments displays demonstrate a history of such displays which validate the constitutionality of his own display under Marsh. The most significant of these displays, discussed previously, are: (1) Moses, among other historical lawgivers, holding two tablets on the East Portico of the United States Supreme Court Building; (2) a carving of two tablets with the numbers I through X on the entrance door to the United States Supreme Court's courtroom; (3) a pylon in front of the E. Barrett Prettyman Building in Washington D.C. with (among other things) two tablets carved with Hebrew writing; (4) two blank tablets at the feet of the Spirit of Justice statue in the United

 


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States Justice Department Building; and (5) a mural in the Pennsylvania Supreme Court courtroom with Moses carving the Ten Commandments and a full version of the text of the Ten Commandments.

The Chief Justice's first argument, that the monument is constitutional under Marsh because of the historical validation provided by judicial acknowledgment in court opinions of the moral foundation of law, and other governmental acknowledgments of God, is flawed. Even assuming the Chief Justice's contentions are true, that judges in their opinions throughout American history have recognized the moral foundation of law, it does not follow that this monument should be considered simply as part of that long history of recognition; nor does it follow that this monument is simply one in a long line of governmental acknowledgments of God. First, as discussed previously, the Chief Justice's understanding of the moral foundation of our laws flows from his beliefs that the Judeo-Christian God is the source of the church, the state, and the separation of the two, and, as a matter of not only Biblical text but American law, reigns over both. The Chief Justice has not shown that other judges have recognized this same understanding of the sovereignty of the Judeo-Christian God,
It is absolutely ridiculous to assert that judges which acknowledged the moral foundation of law and based their decisions on the Ten Commandments did not believe that "the Judeo-Christian God is the source of the church, the state, and . . .  reigns over both." It was universally held that both church and state were to be "under God."

 


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and, given the Chief Justice's unique views, the court cannot assume that they did. Second, there is a significant difference between "an obtrusive year-round religious display" installed in the Alabama State Judicial Building in order to "place the government's weight behind an obvious effort to proselytize on behalf of a particular religion," County of Allegheny v. ACLU, Greater Pittsburgh Chapter, 492 U.S. 573, 661, 109 S. Ct. 3086, 3137 (1989) (Kennedy, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part), and the discussion of the moral foundation of our laws in a court's opinion, or the ceremonial recognition of God on money or at the opening of court.
In other words, this judge is not going to say that all of those laws and court decisions which discussed the moral foundation of our laws or recognized the existence of God are "unconstitutional," but to place these quotations on a monument in the Alabama court and encourage people to take this long history of law and morality seriously is unconstitutional.

Challenges under the Establishment Clause have often turned on subtle but significant differences. A creche standing alone is constitutionally different from a creche incorporated into a larger holiday display, compare id. at 578- 79, 109 S. Ct. at 3093 (holding unconstitutional a creche standing alone) with Lynch v. Donnelly, 465 U.S. 668, 687, 104 S. Ct. 1355, 1366 (1984) (finding constitutional a creche incorporated as part of a larger holiday display), and legislative prayer is significantly different from prayer at a high-school graduation, compare Marsh, 463 U.S. at 795, 103 S. Ct. at 3338 (holding non-sectarian legislative prayer

 


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The Ten Commandments and the quotations on the monument are not "sectarian." Read the writings of the Founding Fathers and early court rulings for proof.

constitutional) with Lee v. Weisman, 505 U.S. 577, 599, 112 S. Ct. 2649, 2661 (1992) (finding prayers at high school graduation to be unconstitutional). Similarly, "ceremonial deisms," such as legislative prayers or opening Court sessions with "God save the United States and this honorable Court," are different from public acknowledgments of a sectarian God. Compare Allegheny, 492 U.S. 630, 109 S. Ct. at 3120-21 (O'Connor, J. concurring) (noting that legislative prayer solemnizes public occasions and expresses hope in the future) with id. at 603, 109 S. Ct. at 3106 (finding an obvious difference between creche displays and references to God in the National Motto and the Pledge of Allegiance). As such, neither an unbroken history of judicial recognition of the moral foundation of law, nor ceremonial acknowledgments of a non-sectarian God, both of which are very different from the Chief Justice's permanent, prominent granite monument to the sovereignty of God, is enough to find the Chief Justice's actions constitutional under the Marsh exception.
The Court repeatedly speaks of a "ceremonial" acknowledgement or "ceremonial" recognition of God. This is an atheistic myth.

Additionally, while the Chief Justice has brought other displays of the Ten Commandments to the court's attention, he has not demonstrated that any of the "unique" circumstances from Marsh exist in this case. First, the Chief Justice has

 


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This is so silly. So many displays of Christianity have been stripped from the public square, and in desperation Alabama wants to display the Ten Commandments in the court house. This federal judge acknowledges "an unbroken history of judicial recognition" of the Ten Commandments, but says they never "directly approved of its public display by the government." This was never ever a question. Nobody for 170 years was silly enough to claim that public display of the Ten Commandments was unconstitutional. It was never necessary for any court to "directly approve" the public display of the Ten Commandments. Unbelievable.

not shown that members of the Continental Congress displayed the Ten Commandments in their chambers, nor that they directly approved of its public display by the government. Second, public, governmental displays of the Ten Commandments, installed with the purpose of proselytization and having a religious effect, are not "deeply embedded in the history and tradition of this country," Marsh, 463 U.S. at 786, 103 S. Ct. at 3333; indeed, most date from the twentieth century. Thus, the Chief Justice has failed to show that similar displays are common or even generally accepted in this country.

Finally, even if, for the sake of argument, history could be read to support the Chief Justice's contention that Ten Commandments displays in government buildings have been a sufficiently historical part of the fabric of our society, this tradition would fall far short of providing a constitutional basis for the Chief Justice's Ten Commandments monument. No other Ten Commandments display presents such an extreme case of religious acknowledgment, endorsement, and even proselytization. In other words, if there is a Ten Commandments display tradition in this country, it is definitely not the tradition embodied by the Chief Justice's monument.
Notice the court's words: "extreme case of religious acknowledgment." The court's theory demands "NO case of religious acknowledgement," But the court has to admit, "an unbroken history" of such acknowledgment. The Court has thus re-written the First Amendment to allow only "the free exercise of lukewarm religion."

 


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¶ Because no historical background, comparable to that found in Marsh, exists to validate the constitutionality of Chief Justice Moore's Ten Commandments monument, the court finds that the monument is not constitutional under the Marsh exception to the Lemon test.

 

2.

Chief Justice Moore faults not only the plaintiffs but the United States Supreme Court for failing to understand the historical relationship between God and the state, a relationship he believes to be embodied by the Establishment Clause and which would allow the presence of his Ten Commandments monument in the Alabama State Judicial Building.

As mentioned above, at trial the Chief Justice explained at length his understanding of the relationship between God and the state. In the Chief Justice's understanding, the Judeo-Christian God is sovereign over both the church and the state in this country, and both owe allegiance to that God. In descriptive terms, God, as the sovereign head, is at the top of a hierarchical vertical triangle; under God are the state

 


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and the church, standing next to one another and forming the base of the triangle. The Chief Justice maintains that this understanding of the relationship between God and the state is dictated not only by Biblical text but by the First Amendment itself.

As the Chief Justice explained at trial, relying in large measure on his dissenting opinion in Yates v. El Bethel Primitive Baptist Church, ___ So. 2d ___, 2002 WL 31270278 (Ala. 2002) (Moore, C.J., dissenting), the separation of church and state is "most vividly illustrated by the Old Testament nation of Israel, where institutional lines were drawn so clearly that the chief of state, the king, could not even come from the same family or tribe as the chief ecclesiastical officer, the high priest." id. at *18. The Chief Justice gave the examples of: "King Uzziah, son of Amaziah, [who] was stricken with leprosy when he presumed upon the role of the priests in burning incense unto the Lord," and "Saul, the first king of Israel, [who] trespassed upon the jurisdiction of the church by making a burnt offering instead of waiting for Samuel, the priest, to perform his duty." id. (citing II Chronicles 26:16-21 (King James); I Samuel 13:13-14 (King James)). Thus, the Bible dictates the Chief Justice's

 


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understanding of the relationship between God and the state because, "While both the priest and the king were under the law of God, the role of civil government was separated from the worship of God." Id. Jesus, too, according to the Chief Justice, explicitly recognized this separation when he said "Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's; and unto God the things that are God's." Id. (citing Matthew 22:21 (King James)).

The Chief Justice also believes that his specific understanding of the relationship between God and the state is embodied by the First Amendment. The Chief Justice quotes Thomas Jefferson's "Bill For Establishing Religious Freedom," "that Almighty God hath created the mind free, and manifested his supreme will that free it shall remain," El Bethel, ___ So. 2d ___, 2002 WL 31270278, *17 (emphasis added by the Chief Justice), for the proposition that "even Thomas Jefferson recognized that a separation between church and state existed because 'Almighty God' was sovereign over both institutions." Id. The Chief Justice also quotes James Madison's "Memorial and Remonstrance": "It is the duty of every man to render to the Creator such homage, and such only, as he believes to be acceptable to him. This duty is precedent both in order of

 


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time and degree of obligation, to the