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To Mr. William Bradford, Jr.
(At the Coffee-House. Philadelphia.—By the post.)
ORANGE, VIRGINIA., November 9, 1772.
Writings of Madison, Volume 1: 1769-1793, p.5
MY DEAR B.,—You moralize so prettily, that if I were to judge from
some parts of your letter of October 13, I should take you for an old
philosopher that had experienced the emptiness of earthly happiness; and
I am very glad that you have so early seen through the romantic
paintings with which the world is sometimes set off by the sprightly
imaginations of the ingenious. You have happily supplied, by reading and
observation, the want of experiment; and therefore I hope you are
sufficiently guarded against the allurements and vanities that beset us
on our first entrance on the theatre of life. Yet, however nice and
cautious we may be in detecting the follies of mankind, and framing our
economy according to the precepts of Wisdom and Religion I fancy there
will commonly remain with us some latent expectation of obtaining more
than ordinary happiness and prosperity till we feel the convincing
argument of actual disappointment. Though I will not determine whether
we shall be much the worse for it if we do not allow it to intercept our
views towards a future state, because strong desires and great hopes
instigate us to arduous enterprizes, fortitude, and perseverance.
Nevertheless, a watchful eye must be kept on ourselves, lest while we
are building ideal monuments of renown and bliss here, we neglect to
have our names enrolled in the annals of Heaven. These thoughts come
into my mind because I am writing to you, and thinking of you. As to
myself, I am too dull and infirm now to look out for any extraordinary
things in this world, for I think my sensations for many months past
have intimated to me not to expect a long or healthy life; though it may
be better with me after some time, [but] I hardly dare expect it, and
therefore have little spirit and alacrity to set about anything that is
difficult in acquiring and useless in possessing after one has exchanged
time for eternity. But you have health, youth, fire, and genius, to bear
you along through the high track of public life, and so may be more
interested and delighted in improving on hints that respect the temporal
though momentous concerns of man.
To Edward Livingston.
MONTPELLIER, July 10th, 1822.
Writings of Madison, Volume 3: 1816-1828, p.274-p.275
There has been another deviation from the strict principle in the
Executive proclamations of fasts and festivals, so far, at least, as
they have spoken the language of injuction, or have lost sight of the
equality of all religious sects in the eye of the Constitution. Whilst I
was honored with the Executive trust, I found it necessary on more than
one occasion to follow the example of predecessors. But I was always
careful to make the Proclamations absolutely indiscriminate, and merely
recommendatory; or, rather, mere designations of a day on which all who
thought proper might unite in consecrating it to religious purposes,
according to their own faith and forms. In this sense, I presume, you
reserve to the Government a right to appoint particular days for
religious worship. I know not what may be the way of thinking on this
subject in Louisiana. I should suppose the Catholic portion of the
people, at least, as a small and even unpopular sect in the U. States,
would rally, as they did in Virginia when religious liberty was a
Legislative topic, to its broadest principle. Notwithstanding the
general progress made within the two last centuries in favour of this
branch of liberty, and the full establishment of it in some parts of our
Country, there remains in others a strong bias towards the old error,
that without some sort of alliance or coalition between Government and
Religion neither can be duly supported. Such, indeed, is the tendency to
such a coalition, and such its corrupting influence on both the parties,
that the danger cannot be too carefully guarded against. And in a
Government of opinion like ours, the only effectual guard must be found
in the soundness and stability of the general opinion on the subject.
Every new and successful example, therefore, of a perfect separation
between ecclesiastical and civil matters, is of importance; and I have
no doubt that every new example will succeed, as every past one has
done, in shewing that religion and Government will both exist in greater
purity the less they are mixed together. It was the belief of all sects
at one time that the establishment of Religion by law was right and
necessary; that the true religion ought to be established in exclusion
of every other; and that the only question to be decided was, which was
the true religion. The example of Holland proved that a toleration of
sects dissenting from the established sect was safe, and even useful.
The example of the Colonies, now States, which rejected religious
establishments altogether, proved that all sects might be safely and
advantageously put on a footing of equal and entire freedom; and a
continuance of their example since the Declaration of Independence has
shown that its success in Colonies was not to be ascribed to their
connection with the parent Country. If a further confirmation of the
truth could be wanted, it is to be found in the examples furnished by
the States which have abolished their religious establishments. I cannot
speak particularly of any of the cases excepting that of Virginia, where
it is impossible to deny that religion prevails with more zeal and a
more exemplary priesthood than it ever did when established and
patronised by public authority. We are teaching the world the great
truth, that Governments do better without kings and nobles than with
them. The merit will be doubled by the other lesson: that Religion
flourishes in greater purity without, than with the aid of Government.
Address of the General Assembly to the People of the Commonwealth of
Virginia.
Writings of Madison, Volume 4: 1829-1836, p.511
The distinction between liberty and licentiousness is still a repetition
of the Protean doctrine of implication, which is ever ready to work its
ends by varying its shape. By its help, the judge as to what is
licentious may escape through any constitutional restriction. Under it
men of a particular religious opinion might be excluded from office,
because such exclusion would not amount to an establishment of religion,
and because it might be said that their opinions were licentious. And
under it Congress might denominate a religion to be heretical and
licentious, and proceed to its suppression. Remember that precedents
once established are so much positive power; and that the nation which
reposes on the pillow of political confidence, will sooner or later end
its political existence in a deadly lethargy. Remember, also, that it is
to the press mankind are indebted for having dispelled the clouds which
long encompassed religion, for disclosing her genuine lustre, and
disseminating her salutary doctrines.
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